Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Monday, October 31, 2016

The Greatest Gift of Christendom

Arguably one of the greatest challenges facing Christians today is how to respond to secularism. Whilst this is not a particularly new phenomenon, what Christians are finding in 2016 is that the plausibility structures which make faith seem possible have changed, shifting the conditions of belief. It's potentially harder to be a Christian now then it was 500, 100, or even 50 years ago because belief in God has not only been displaced as normative, but is now positively contested.

This age of contested belief is fuelled in part by what we might call the 'secular myth': modern society continues to progress and advance both scientifically as new discoveries are made and technology is increasingly harnessed to solve our problems, and morally as society becomes more fair and equal. This myth suggests that as society advances, religion is culturally replaced or displaced, demoted in importance to the point of redundancy. Our institutions (well, what's left of them) increasingly become neutral ground, forming an objective, unbiased, and a-religious sphere (broadly equivalent to the French concept of laïcité).

Behind all of this is what Charles Taylor refers to subtraction stories: accounts which explain the secular as merely the subtraction of religious belief, as if the secular is what’s left over after we subtract superstition. Subtraction stories are those tales of enlightenment and progress and maturation which see the emergence of modernity as jettisoning the detritus of belief and superstition. Once upon a time, as these subtraction stories rehearse it, we believed in sprites and fairies and gods and demons. But as we became rational, and especially as we marshalled naturalist explanations for what we used to attribute to spirits and forces, the world became progressively disenchanted. Religion and belief withered with scientific exorcism of superstition. And what we have left from this is the secular, modern world, devoid of such superstition.

It's a powerful myth. It's a shame that it has little correlation with history. In his book A Secular Age, Taylor goes to great length to argue that the secular is not merely distilled, but produced and created. That we could go from a world where disbelief in God was implausible to a world where belief in God was implausible is not the leftovers of a distilled society, but the accomplishment of new accounts of reality and meaning.

However I think that it is possible to go further. Secularism is in fact the one of the greatest gifts Christendom gave to the world. That is to say, secularism is not what comes after Christendom in spite of Christendom; Christendom was the first was the creation of the secular, the first implementation of a secular age. This might be controversial to say, because Christendom and secularism seem to be diametrically opposed to each other. The enlightenment project was a self-conscious repudiation of Christian political settlement which had preceded it. But there would be no secularism without Christendom - not in the sense that one the reaction to another - but perhaps in a more classical understanding secular, Christendom creates the secular conditions. Oliver O'Donovan puts this succinctly:
Jesus has ascended in triumph to God’s right hand; yet the subdued “authorities” of this age, St. Paul held, “persist” (Romans 13:6). This, he said, was to approve good conduct and “to execute God’s wrath on the wrongdoer.” The reign of Christ in heaven left judgment as the single remaining political need. We should observe that this was an unprecedentedly lean doctrine of civil government. Judgment alone never comprised the whole of what ancient peoples, least of all the Jews, thought government was about. Paul’s conception stripped government of its representative, identity-conferring functions, and said nothing about law. He conceded, as it were, the least possible function that would account for its place within God’s plan. The secular princes of this earth, shorn of pretensions to our loyalty and worship, are left with the sole function of judging between innocent and guilty. 
The political-theological achievement of the Roman world in the fourth century was the recognition that the announcement 'Jesus Christ is Lord' is the announcement that he has dethroned the powers and authorities. It is this recognition which creates the secular. It is the government of the age, (knowingly or unknowingly) charged with task of judgment until creation's perfection at Jesus' return. This recognition dispels all government pretension to be the most true thing, the ultimate reality of totalitarian regimes. It dispels the possibility of theocracy, for Christ is the one Lord. According to O'Donovan again:
The most truly Christian state understands itself most thoroughly as “secular”. It makes the confession of Christ’s victory and accepts the relegation of its own authority... The essential element in the conversion of the ruling power is the change in its self-understanding and its manner of government to suit the dawning age of Christ’s own rule. 
Modern societies have inherited this political institution of the gospel, although they may not know it. This unintelligibly of secularism by secular states may account for the fraught socio-political situations we witness today as nations which had assumed one thing about secularism (such as its homogeneous nature) are confronted on the one hand with an increase of pluralism, and on the other different experiences of secularism around the world (secularism in India and China look different not only from each other but also from secularism within Europe or the United States).

The opportunity for the church as it negotiates with and responds to secularism will be to explain the political institutions and modes such as the secular which the modern world has assumed from ancient Christian world but does not quite know why it values them. In making the institutions of modernity intelligible to the modern world, the church will need innovative ways to announce and embody the truth of Christ's Lordship, and that the secular is no mere neutral space, but one which exists for his purposes in the world.

Thursday, July 26, 2012

Praying for the World

Out of all the things the Christian church in the west is in need of, books about prayer are certainly not in short supply. There is a plethora of prayer books available, covering everything from the why and how of prayer, to the “who” and “what” to pray for. Litres of ink are spent each year detailing how to overcome blockages of prayer, or using the prayers of others as a model for contemporary prayer life. You can books on the prayers of the Puritans, the prayers of Paul, the prayer of Jabez...the prayers of the past three and a half millennia are examined and dissected in the attempt to produce rich and fruitful prayer lives.

Yet if there is one New Testament passage on prayer that is overlooked more than any other, it would have to be 1 Timothy 2.1-7. Even books that promise a spiritual revolution through the apostolic prayers pay this passage merely a courtesy visit. Perhaps it's due to the exclusion of the church from the public sphere since the enlightenment. Perhaps it's due to our inability to recognise the political nature of the gospel. Whatever the case, the instruction of 1 Tim. 2.1-2 is one we often neglect. And that is a real tragedy; the second chapter of 1 Timothy contains wisdom that, if grasped by the church, would help enable us to not only please God, but also understand God's world and mission.

Paul urges Timothy to "First of all, then, I urge that supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for all people, for kings and all who are in high positions, that we may lead a peaceful and quiet life, godly and dignified in every way." In response to false teacher having arisen amongst the church in Ephesus, Timothy is urged to pray for all people, for kings and all in authority. These false teachers have driven the church apart by their teaching, causing dissension and quarrelling within the church. In particular the teaching and interpretation of the scriptures has resulted in an elitism and introspection within the church. But what they have failed to grasp is God's ordering within his creation (from οἰκονομίαν in 1 Tim. 1.4); hence their instruction to abstain from good parts of God's creation like marriage and food (1 Timothy 4.3). As they don't understand this ordering of the world, they have disengaged from the world and society at large.

However, Paul urges that the church moves from introspection to outwards focused prayer; to turn from being disinterested and disengaged from the world to praying for all people, for kings and those in authority. From this passage we learn three things:

Firstly, the church's concern and care for the world is driven by God's concern and care for the world. This is highlighted four times: i. there is only one God, and he desires everyone to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth; ii. Christ Jesus gave himself as a ransom for all people; iii. the apostle Paul is a herald of this gospel to the Gentiles (i.e. all people); so iv. it is fit and proper for the church, in every way and in all circumstances to pray for all people. The church is not only to be concerned with its own life, but the life of the world around it. Therefore the authenticity of a church’s love and service of the world will be seen in the way the church prays for the world.

Secondly, governments have been tasked by God to maintain this order, and it is right then that the church pray for those in authority. The gospel declares that Jesus Christ has been given authority other every other claimant to authority and the day will come when those in authority will lay their crowns before Christ. The Bible is painfully aware that governments are able to abuse their authority, seeking to recreate civilisation or extend their grip on power. In such cases the authorities will be held accountable for such blasphemy. Yet verse 2 is entirely consistent with how the New Testament views the role of government, as ministers and servants of God (cf. Romans 13.1-7 and 1 Peter 2.13-17). Whilst they may not have ultimate authority, they still have a divinely appointed role in maintaining peace and justice, and are therefore deserving of the church’s prayer that they would exercise that role with wisdom and equity. This is also a helpful and liberating way for Christians to engage with government. When we disagree with our governments, when they frustrate and disappoint us, when they are unaware that their authority has been instituted by God, and even when they are violently opposed to Christianity, the church is to regularly, and in every way possible, pray for those in authority.

Thirdly, the government’s role in maintaining order and stability enables the church to get on with its business of being the church. Whilst it is quite nice that good government allows Christians to lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and dignity, this is not an end in itself. Paul links the peace and stability that come from good government to mission. As Andrew Errington has written:
“Paul urges prayers be made for government so that people will be able to live in peace – so that people can get on with normal life, uninterrupted by the chaos that flows from the absence of political authority. Interestingly, Paul sees this as right precisely because of God’s desire for everyone to be saved... This makes sense, of course: mission is not aided when people are fearful simply for their survival, or when communication and mobility are impeded. Peace and what is here called “quietness” perhaps free people up to hear the gospel and to engage in the relationships that facilitate mission."
Good government provides the social conditions for the church to freely and without impediment proclaim to all people that Jesus Christ is Lord.

When the Christian community gathers together as the church, during their time together they are to include prayers for all people and those in authority. Praying for the world is an opportunity for each of us to show our love and concern for a world that Jesus gave up his life for. It is an opportunity for each of us to move beyond our own introspection and look outwards to the world. It is an opportunity for us to pray for justice and peace in the world, and to particularly pray for those who are in authority over us who are tasked with maintaining that peace and justice. It is an invitation to move out of our holy huddles and thoughtfully engage the world in prayer. 1 Timothy 2.1-7 is a dense little passage. Paul connects the role and place of government with God’s desire for all people to be saved and come to a knowledge of the truth. Yet following Paul’s urging will allow us to discern God’s ordering of the world, and so know, love and serve the world as God does.

_______
Postscript: One of my favourite reflections on this passage is this one by Ruth Brigden.
This post is based on a sermon I recently gave at church.

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

The ‘Desacralisation’ Of Politics

"But secular authorities are no longer in the fullest sense mediators of the rule of God. They mediate his judgments only. The power that they exercise in defeating their enemies, the national possessions they safeguard, these are now rendered irrelevant by Christ’s triumph. This is what might properly be meant by that misleading expression, the ‘desacralisation’ of politics by the Gospel. No government has a right to exist, no nation has a right to defend itself. Such claims are overwhelmed by the immediate claim of the Kingdom. There remains simply the rump of political authority which cannot be dispensed with yet, the exercise of judgment." - Oliver O'Donovan
Through Christ's life, death, resurrection and ascension he has been given all power and authority in heaven and earth. And if he has all power and authority, than our governments have been stripped of their power; they have been reduced to providing justice (Romans 13). To do anything else would be a dangerously idolatrous encroachment on Christ's rule.

Thursday, June 24, 2010

A Letter to Kevin

Dear Kevin,

It was a surreal experience to watch you in tears on television today. It reminded of a day in '91, when another Labor PM cried at press conference having being ousted by his party.

You came to my attention a few months before you toppled 'Bomber' Beazley when you wrote about Faith in Politics. You lauded Dietrich Bonhoeffer for resisting totalitarian power and offered a vision of Australia that matched his integrity:
'The time has well and truly come for a vision for Australia not limited by the narrowest of definitions of our national self-interest. Instead, we need to be guided by a new principle that encompasses not only what Australia can do for itself, but also what Australia can do for the world.'
Little did we know that you would soon be in a position to make Australia the light on a hill you dreamed it should be. I was in Parliament House the day you became the Opposition Leader, and started you meteoric rise to power. Your high numbers in the polls was matched by the higher moral authority you took in the campaign, annihilating The Coalition.

Your election on my 23rd birthday seemed to offer Australia a fresh start, as we emerged from several long years under the Howard Government. Kevin07 very quickly turned into Kevin 24/7, as your punishing workload delivered: an apology to the stolen generation; ratifying Kyoto; workplace reform; a briefly more humane response to refugees; leading the nation through the GFC; attempted tax and health reform; an 'education revolution'; withdrawing troops from Iraq; social inclusion; an increased regard in the community of nations...all in two and a half years.

But it all started to unravel when your rhetoric - well actually when your rhetoric became incomprehensible and bore no resemblance to the visionary oratory of 2007. Your government backed down on core election promises like climate change and refugees and that new federalism you once promised. You had seemed so unassailable, but with a rabid new leader on the other side of the treasury benches the polls turned against you. And so did your party. Out-flanked by the factions you had banished on your accession to the top-job, your were whacked by your deputy and a fellow Nambour boy; a wasted PM.

It happened very suddenly didn't it? I'm sure you feel it was sudden. How is it that the outrage over 1975 hasn't prevented the backroom party hacks from removing the elected PM?

So it is that I sit here tonight with a familiar melancholy feeling looking over a letter a received when I was seven. I hope you too enjoy spending more time with your family.

Sincerely,

Matt

Friday, March 19, 2010

Another Political Quote of the Week

Actually, this is from February.

"Homelessness is a choice." - Tony Abbott

This was Abbott's response to a question asking whether a government under his direction would continue with the Rudd government's goal of halving homelessness by 2020. It was also his reflection on Matthew 26.11.

Theological fail?

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Quote of the Week by Lindsay Tanner

"[I'm] not really religious; I'm an Anglican.'' - Lindsay Tanner, Federal Finance Minister
h/t Alison

Monday, October 19, 2009

How to Think About Politics

"Political authority, if it recognises itself to be a response to man's fallen nature with a limited non-redemptive task, can serve to contain the threat of chaos and the power of sin. It cannot, however, eliminate these. Once those seeking and holding political power try to use that power to achieve more than politics' ordained and limited end of restraining sin through upholding justice in society and serving the common good, political life soon becomes a new idol. Like all idols it feeds off people's devotion, but instead of meeting their real needs, simply creates more chaos. Christians, who know the true place of political authority in God's purposes, are devoted to serving the crucified Christ as Lord and are praying for the coming of God's own kingdom, must therefore encourage those engaged in political life to acknowledge its limited role and significance. They must warn any society when they discern its political life falling prey to the real dangers of idolatry leading to chaos." - Andrew Goddard, Thinking Christianly about Politics.

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

100 Days and Histroy

The New York Times has posted some interesting articles by leading presidential historians on the 20th century's leading presidents and what Obama can learn from during his first 100 days in office.

As Barack Obama readies to take the office of president, which of his predecessors offers the best model for getting off on the right foot?

The historians include Richard Reeves and Robert Dallek, leading historians in the Kennedy and Johnston eras. I found Roger Morris' article on Nixon particularly insightful.

How F.D.R. Made the Presidency Matter by Jean Edward Smith.

Obama, F.D.R. and Taming the Press by Jean Edward Smith.

Kennedy’s Words, Obama’s Challenge by Richard Reeves.

L.B.J., Obama and Reassuring a Worried Nation by Robert Dallek.

The President Behind the Mask by Roger Morris.

Obama’s Reagan Transformation? by Lou Cannon.

Kudos for telling me why the picture is out of place.

Friday, December 05, 2008

Public Meeting Friday IV

Continuing from last week, today's Public Meeting Friday are the three talks that finished of Think Weeks in the first semester of 2006. Are speakers are Andrew Katay (Christianity and Philosophy), Chris Forbes (Christianity and History) and Gordon Cheng (Christianity and Politics).

Christianity and Philosophy: Synthesis, Antitheses or...

Christianity and History: Does the Historical Jesus Have a Leg to Stand on? Complete with slides.

Christianity and Politics: Turning the World Up-side Down

The Katay and Chris Forbes talks are particularly good - some of my favourites.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Politics of Faith II: A Vision for Australia

In a previous post, we turned back to Kevin Rudd's 2006 article on Bonhoeffer and the rule of the church in politics. In brief, Rudd understands this to be:
'The function of the church in all these areas of social, economic and security policy is to speak directly to the state: to give power to the powerless, voice to those who have none, and to point to the great silences in our national discourse...'
Rudd continues by giving voice to what Australian politics might look like if Bonhoeffer's principles were followed:

'A Christian perspective on contemporary policy debates may not prevail. It must nonetheless be argued. And once heard, it must be weighed, together with other arguments from different philosophical traditions, in a fully contestable secular polity. A Christian perspective, informed by a social gospel or Christian socialist tradition, should not be rejected contemptuously by secular politicians as if these views are an unwelcome intrusion into the political sphere. If the churches are barred from participating in the great debates about the values that ultimately underpin our
society, our economy and our polity, then we have reached a very strange place indeed.

Some have argued that Bonhoeffer provides a guide for Christian action “in extremis”, but not for the workaday problems of “normal” political life. Stanley Hauerwas, Professor of Theological Ethics at Duke University, argues, though, that this fails to comprehend Bonhoeffer’s broader teaching on the importance of truth in politics. In fact, it accepts the “assumption that truth and politics, particularly in democratic regimes in which compromise is the primary end of the political process, do not mix”.'
Rudd has the former Howard Government clearly in his sights. In describing the churches voice on issues such as Australian values, climate change, industrial relations and global poverty, Rudd not only describes Bonhoeffer as the archetypal Christian Socialist, he uses Bonhoeffer's thesis of speaking truth to government to strongly criticize the then administration:
'Mr Howard’s politics are in the main about concealing the substantive truth of his policy program because when fully exposed to the light of public debate, their essential truth is revealed: a redistribution of power from the weak to the strong.'
Rudd concludes that the pragmatic goal of the Howard policies was to:
'...retain his incumbency at all costs, distracting the body politic from the reality of his faltering program for government. The substance of that program now makes for a less robust political message as he moves into his second decade in oμce: rising interest rates, declining housing affordability, slowing productivity growth, an Americanised industrial-relations system, a regressive consumption tax,
the skyrocketing costs of university education and the steady undermining of universal health insurance. Add to these the escalating failure of the Iraq war and the deteriorating security in our immediate region, complicated by our distraction in Iraq – all compounded by a failure to tell the public the truth on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, Iraqi prisoner abuse and the $300-million wheat-for-weapons scandal.'
One may wonder how often the Rudd Government has distracting the body politic from the reality of his faltering program for government. Rudd's vision is for an Australia that is a 'light on a hill' (attributed to Chifley), which is to be a global leader on climate change, the Millennium Goals, and international law:
'The time has well and truly come for a vision for Australia not limited by the narrowest of definitions of our national self-interest. Instead, we need to be guided by a new principle that encompasses not only what Australia can do for itself, but also what Australia can do for the world.'
And Rudd concludes that the church must not climb into bed with the conservative political establishment. Instead, it must take up the challenge of Bonhoeffer, robustly speaking the truth to the state.
The role of the church is not to agree that deceptions of this magnitude [War on Iraq, AWA, Children Overboard, etc.] are normal. If Christians conclude that such deceptions are the stock-in-trade of the Kingdom of the State in Luther’s Two Kingdoms doctrine (and hence of no relevance to the Kingdom of the Gospel), then we will end up with a polity entirely estranged from truth. When the prime minister states that migrants should have a better grasp of the English language, while at the same time removing major funding from the program that enables them to learn English, this represents a significant prostitution of the truth. Therefore, if the church is concerned about the truth – not the politics – of social inclusion, then in Bonhoeffer’s tradition of fearlessly speaking the truth to the state, it should say so.

Thursday, November 13, 2008

Politics of Faith

In an article that helped bring the current Australian Prime Minister to national attention in late 2006, Kevin Rudd has this to say about Deitrich Bonhoeffer, politics and Christianity:
"Bonhoeffer’s seminal work, his Ethics, was not collated and published until after his execution. Its final essay is entitled ‘What Is Meant by “Telling the Truth”’, and it represents a call to the German Church to assume a prophetic role in speaking out in defence of the defenceless in the face of a hostile state. For Bonhoeffer, 'Obedience to God’s will may be a religious experience but it is not an ethical one until it issues in actions that can be socially valued.' He railed at a Church for whom Christianity was “a metaphysical abstraction to be spoken of only at the edges of life”, and in which clergy blackmailed their people with hellish consequences for those whose sins the clergy were adept at sniffing out, all the while ignoring the real evil beyond their cathedrals and churches. 'The Church stands,' he argued, “not at the boundaries where human powers give out, but in the middle of the village.'

In his Letters from Prison, he wrote, reflecting in part on the deportation of the Jews, that 'We have for once learned to see the great events of world history from below, from the perspective of the outcast, the suspects, the maltreated, the powerless, the reviled – in short, from the perspective of those who suffer.' Bonhoeffer’s political theology is therefore one of a dissenting church that speaks truth to the state, and does so by giving voice to the voiceless. Its domain is the village, not the interior life of the chapel. Its core principle is to stand in defence of the defenceless or, in Bonhoeffer’s terms, of those who are 'below'." - Faith in Politics, The Monthly, October 2006.
Rudd argues that Bonhoeffer went about this mission of 'speaking truth to the state' by causing dissent, primarily through the Confessing Church and the issues it protested. The goal was to “jam the spoke of the state … to protect the state from itself” (The Church and the Jewish Question). Rudd argues that Bonhoeffer:
"...was a man of action who wrote prophetically in 1937 that “when Christ calls a man, he bids him come and die.” For Bonhoeffer, whatever the personal cost, there was no moral alternative other than to fight the Nazi state with whatever weapons were at his disposal,"
and concludes that:
"Bonhoeffer’s was a muscular Christianity. He became the Thomas More of European Protestantism because he understood the cost of discipleship, and lived it. Both Bonhoeffer and More were truly men for all seasons."
November 24 will be one year since Rudd's election victory over John Howard. So how Kevin 07 shaped up after twelve months in office? Has he taken up the cause of the defenceless? And as leader of the state, has he taken being told truth well? Is he the type of leader who allows the church to fulfill it's vocation to 'stand at the center of the village'? Or is he another crass politician who panders to religion when it is convinent and then shuts it away in a corner?

Friday, December 22, 2006

Bonhoeffer and Rudd

A few days ago an article appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald about the rise of religion in Australian politics and the "new sectarianism." Well, there is an interesting article in today's
SMH about Kevin Rudd (the new Leader of the Federal Opposition) and his emulation for Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and the dying breed of "politicians with conscience." (There's also a follow-up article on the same page by the same writer on why Al Gore is the "ants pants").

You'll find the article here. You will also find Rudd's original article about Faith and Politics from October's Monthly magazine here.